South Korea’s liberal opposition parties, including the Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) and the Rebuilding Korea Party, secured over 180 seats in the 22nd general elections held on April 10., effectively creating an opposition-dominated National Assembly for another four years.

This landslide victory mirrors the political landscape from four years ago, when the DPK, the Together Citizens’ Party, and the Open Democracy Party won 192 seats. Holding three-fifths of the 300 seats in the National Assembly will allow the opposition parties to fast-track nearly all bills, with the exception of constitutional amendments and presidential impeachment. But as the seats secured by the opposition bloc fall short of the 200-seat super majority, President Yoon Suk-yeol will still be able to exercise veto power.

Graphic by Jeong Sae-hee

In the parliamentary elections held on April 10, the DPK and its satellite party, the Democratic Alliance, won 175 seats out of 300, according to the National Election Commission on April 11. As a whole, the broad opposition parties, including the Rebuilding Korea Party, secured a total of 192 seats.

President Yoon’s ruling party, the People Power Party (PPP), and its proportional representation satellite party, the People’s Future, managed to claim 108 seats, just enough to prevent any constitutional amendments.

The greatest weapon the opposition has gained from this election is the potential disarmament of the “National Assembly Advancement Act.” This Act was enacted in 2012 to prevent the tyranny and monopoly of the majority party. The Act limits the power of the National Assembly Speaker to bring issues to the plenary session unilaterally, requires that bills with significant bipartisan disagreement be deliberated for up to 90 days within the agenda coordination committees of respective standing committees, and legitimizes the filibuster, an action designed to prolong debate and delay or prevent a vote on a bill.

To address scenarios where the opposition of minority parties could block a vote entirely, the Act includes preventive measures. For fast-track bills endorsed by over three-fifths of the Assembly, or 180 members, the standing committee review must be completed within 180 days, and the Legislation and Judiciary Committee’s system and clause review must be concluded within 90 days. After this period, the bill is automatically proposed to the plenary session, and must be tabled for a vote within 60 days.

But if the opposition parties decide to unite over legislation, these procedures can act as weapons that help the opposition pass bills without the ruling party’s consensus. In the opposition-dominated 21st National Assembly, the DPK demonstrated this legislative power by autonomously passing bills to dismiss Prime Minister Han Duck-soo and impeach Minister of the Interior and Safety Lee Sang-min, despite opposition from the ruling party. With the DPK and its allies now controlling over 180 seats, similar scenarios will likely be repeated in the 22nd National Assembly.

A special probe bill will be exempt from the 90-day Judiciary Committee review, allowing it to be enacted after 240 days. Opposition parties, the DP and Rebuilding Korea Party (RKP), are pushing for special investigation proposals, one of which implicates PPP interim leader Han Dong-hoon in allegations of ghostwriting and essay plagiarism.

The nursing act, which President Yoon Suk-yeol vetoed was finally defeated in the second plenary session at the National Assembly in Seoul on May 30, last year. /News1

The opposition bloc is also poised to wield significant influence over economic and social policies. The Lee Jae-myung-led windfall tax, which requires banks to cough up 40 percent on profits deemed excessively high, is expected to gain momentum. The bill was jointly submitted by 50 DP lawmakers under the name of Kim Sung-ju.

There is a growing possibility of enacting a law allocating 10 percent of government procurement funds to social enterprises. The DP pushed for the law in the last parliamentary session but met with strong opposition from both the ruling party and the Ministry of Strategy and Finance.

The “Yellow Envelope Act,” which safeguards unionized workers from companies’ demands for damage compensation is forecast to be reintroduced. The opposing groups will also pursue amendments to the three broadcasting laws, aiming to expand the number of directors on the boards and grant external organizations the authority to recommend directors. President Yoon had previously vetoed both measures.