Lee Jae-myung, leader of the Democratic Party, alongside Lee Hae-chan, Kim Boo-kyum, co-chiefs of the election campaign, and other party leaders, celebrate upon viewing the broadcasters' exit poll results in the Democratic Party's vote counting situation room for the 22nd parliamentary election, located at the National Assembly building in Yeouido, Seoul, on April 10, 2024./News1

South Korea’s 22nd general election concluded with a decisive victory for the main opposition, the Democratic Party (DP), which secured a majority solely through district seats. The Rebuilding Korea Party, under Cho Kuk’s leadership, also made significant gains, securing more than 10 seats. The DP dominated the Honam region (Gwangju and Jeolla Provinces), a stronghold for the DP, and nearly swept the capital region, which hosts half of the nation’s seats.

The DP marked its first win after three consecutive defeats in national polls, including the Seoul and Busan mayoral by-elections in 2021 and both the presidential and local elections in 2022. It’s reasonable to interpret the DP’s victory not merely on its own merits but as a public rebuke of President Yoon Suk-yeol’s administration and the ruling People’s Power Party (PPP) for perceived arrogance and ineffectiveness.

With a commanding majority in the National Assembly, the DP can unilaterally advance legislation. This includes potential amendments to the National Assembly Act to recognize the Rebuilding Korea Party as a negotiation bloc and prioritize its agenda in committee discussions. Furthermore, the PPP’s ability to filibuster can be neutralized within 24 hours, circumventing the usual deliberative processes mandated by the National Assembly Act. This level of dominance by a single party, maintaining unchallenged legislative power for eight years, is unprecedented.

If the DP interprets its electoral success as an unequivocal endorsement, the following four years might closely mirror the preceding ones. Following its victory in the parliamentary elections four years ago, the DP leveraged its legislative supremacy to diminish the prosecutorial powers by establishing the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials (CIO) and pushing through contentious legislation they had not attempted to pass during previous terms in power. This included the Yellow Envelope Bill, expected to face a presidential veto, the Broadcasting Law, which skewed public broadcasting in their favor, and the Grain Management Act, mandating annual government purchases of surplus rice. Despite previous commitments, the DP maintained parliamentary privileges and reneged on pledges to dissolve satellite parties. The current assembly is poised to enact various laws that could politicize the special prosecution process.

This cycle may persist until the forthcoming presidential election, leaving many voters concerned. Although the electorate expressed their disillusionment with President Yoon’s leadership by overwhelmingly supporting the opposition, apprehension remains. Many are worried about the potential for absolute legislative dominance.